Saturday, October 25, 2014

German austerity: will the euro zone break up?

Anyone familiar with MMT would see the misery Germany is heading towards.  Even worse it will take with it the rest of Europe.  Excerpts below from an article that appeared in the Livemint today (25 October 2014) (http://uk.reuters.com/article/2014/10/24/uk-eu-summit-idUKKCN0ID0VF20141024) clearly highlights the fears that many modern money theorists have been warning us about.  What is surprising is that there is no popular political voices coming from Germany that make an MMT argument against German austerity.

Stagnating euro zone seeks German shift
BY FRANCESCO GUARASCIO AND ROBIN EMMOTT

After the bloc's revival came to a halt in the second quarter, France and Italy want to shift course away from the spending cuts that marked the bloc's response to the 2009-2012 crisis Germany says debt discipline must continue.

Seated around a large oval table in the EU summit's red marble building, Merkel said no country with a national debt greater than its economic output should be borrowing more, diplomats said.

According to people in the room, Merkel said record low interest rates gave the euro zone "room to breathe" and that a mix of private investment, fiscal discipline and openness to fast-growing Asian economies was the way forward.
The debate is complicated by EU rules that seek to keep country's public finances in order and Germany's promise to balance its books next year for the first time since 1969.

Wednesday, October 22, 2014

How mainstream macroeconomics thinking finds its way into popular discourse.

Two excerpts from articles that appeared in the Livemint of 20 October 2014 show how the need to achieve a fiscal deficit target is becoming an end in itself.  More than the fiscal deficit number per se the debate needs to focus on the real effects of subsidies in distorting resource allocation (if that is so) and the unproductive expenditure of the government that fails to ease supply side constraints and raise productivity.  There is surely space for an MMT perspective on these issues.

Is the centre finally cracking down on subsidies?
Decisions on diesel prices and cooking gas subsidy will help meet centre’s fiscal deficit target of 4.1% of GDP

Remya Nair
The move will also enable the government to meet its fiscal deficit target of 4.1% of gross domestic product (GDP), even after taking into account the expected shortfall in revenue collections.
A Union cabinet minister, who did not wish to be identified, pointed out that the government cannot afford to continue with the current subsidy regime. “There are no freebies. We cannot afford to bankrupt the state exchequer,” the minister said, signalling the central government’s intent to overhaul the subsidy regime.

What it takes to make in India
The first and most important condition for manufacturing success in India is to have a low inflation regime

Narayan Ramachandran 

The first task in ensuring a low inflation environment is to eliminate the primary deficit. This deficit is the difference between the total revenue and total expenditure of the government with debt payments netted out of the calculation. India must begin to deliver upon both a primary and fiscal deficit target as measures of fiscal consolidation in its annual budget. The elimination of the primary deficit and a reduction in the fiscal deficit (to say 2.5% of GDP) will ensure that we live within our means each year, do not increase the stock of debt and crowd out less capital from the productive economy.




Friday, September 19, 2014

IMF, India's fiscal deficits and the need to question the obvious

I just read a news report from Business Today (19-Sept-2014) that speaks of the IMF asking the RBI to raise interest rates.  The infatuation over fiscal deficits as being the most serious problem that Indian macroeconomic policy needs to address runs throughout the article.  But there were also some contradictions that I came across, reading between the lines.  Here are some statements from the article that I want to highlight:

"...IMF said the government needed to take more steps to reduce stubbornly high inflation and the large fiscal deficit."

"The IMF said removing supply bottlenecks would lead to more sustainable growth. It also called for increasing public spending on infrastructure to ease supply bottlenecks and support economic development."

"While lauding the new government's emphasis on fiscal consolidation, it said "the quality and durability of the consolidation remain a cause of concern.""

"The government proposes to bring down the fiscal deficit to 4.1 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) in current year from 4.5 per cent last fiscal ... fiscal deficit has to be brought down to three per cent of the GDP by 2016-17."

On the one hand the IMF wants to cut the fiscal deficit while at the same time they want an increase in public spending on infrastructure.  When they say the quality of the deficit is important, what do they mean?  What are the items that the government should cut spending on?

Also, like MMT warns us, why this concern about fiscal deficit numbers like 4.1% and 3% of GDP?  Will achieving these numbers solve India's macroeconomic problems?

It's time for MMTers to question what is now being seen as obvious in India.



Follow this link to read the article in Business Today:

http://businesstoday.intoday.in/story/rbi-should-raise-policy-rates-to-cut-inflation-imf-g20-cairn/1/210504.html








My book entitled, "In Search of Stability:  Economics of Money, History of the Rupee" should be out soon.  As the title suggests, I have traced the history of the rupee from 1542 to 1971 and added an epilogue which extends the study up to present times,  All this is done from a positive economics standpoint.  The book, however, does not take a critical stand on the colonial regime by asking what would have happened if things had been different; say, for instance, if India would have been better off had we moved on to a gold standard instead of the gold exchange standard in the late 19th century.  Rather we explore what the gold exchange standard was and its implications of price and exchange rate stability for India.  With this understanding, students and economic historians could pose more critical questions for further study.  The book has been accepted for publication by Manohar Book Publishers, New Delhi, India.

After completing the book I was keen to further explore the more recent history of the rupee, specifically post-1971.  It is while to trying to find a suitable theoretical framework within which I could place my study that I came across Modern Money Theory or MMT.  Over the last few months I have gone through several books, blogs and videos by the main proponents of MMT.  It's not only fascinating but has opened up a whole new world for me.  I had studied Keynesian macroeoconomics during my M.A. at Bombay (now Mumbai) University but was then exposed to a completely different macroeconomics at Cornell while doing my Ph.D.; if I recollect rightly it was dynamic optimization (micro was supposedly static optimization).  Confused about what I was really learning from all those models, my interests shifted altogether to political economy.  Luckily for me I got back to teaching Macroeconomics 101 to management students in India and have been able to hold on to simple Keynesian theory.

My interest in the economic history of the rupee and Keynesian macroeconomics somehow comes together when I read through the literature on MMT.  As I mentioned, it has opened a new window for me to understand fiscal and monetary policies in India today.

I will share things that I come across from sources including newspapers, magazines and TV that I think are important and need a re-look.  I do not intend to make any theoretical contribution to MMT right now at least; those interested could Google "modern money theory" and easily find material from the masters. I think there is a dire need of MMT for India; this is where I hope to make some contribution.


Tuesday, January 24, 2012

Arthur Conan Doyle on the Depreciation of the Indian Rupee

My son recently borrowed the Lost World by Arthur Conan Doyle from his school library and I was pleasantly surprised to find a remark on the depreciation of the rupee on the very first page of the book.  Surely it must have been an event of some importance!

"For an hour or more that evening I listened to his monotonous chirrup about bad money driving out good, the token value of silver, the depreciation of the rupee, and the true standards of exchange."

Sunday, November 28, 2010

Macroeconomic and Environment History

You can find my latest paper publsihed in Global Environment at this link.

http://www.globalenvironment.it/sivramkrishna.pdf

Here is the abstract of my paper:

Macroeconomic and Environmental History: The Impact of Currency Depreciation on forests in British India, 1873-1893
The impact of the macroeconomic context, particularly monetary disturbances, on the environment has been hitherto ignored in the study of Indian environmental history. Th e links between macroeconomics and the environment, however, have been extensively studied and debated in recent times in connection with the structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) that many developing countries have been induced to adopt. A closer examination of India’s monetary history reveals that there exist many similarities between the effects of SAPs and those of monetary disturbances in the last quarter of the nineteenth century due to the depreciation of the rupee. Th is paper traces out how an exogenously induced change in the macroeconomic environment may have led to policies that prompted increased deforestation. Moreover, in the private sector too the depreciation of rupee may have led to higher levels of investment and exports of environmentally sensitive products, further accentuating the adverse impact on forests. Although not conclusive in quantitative terms, this study nonetheless attempts to show that colonial policies cannot be studied from a purely ideological, political, or real-economic point of view; the macroeconomy, particularly monetary variables that were sometimes beyond control of governments, may also have induced changes in deforestation rates.

Thursday, November 18, 2010

Too much of the better may be for the worse

The move towards banning the incandescent bulb and replacing it with the compact fluorescent lamp (CFL) is getting stronger across the world.  The CFL is far more energy efficient than the bulb using 20 to 33 percent of the power of equivalent incandescent bulb. The cost efficiency of CFLs, however, remains in doubt.  But studies claim that in spite of higher initial costs, the extended lifetime and lower energy consumption of CFLs make it cost efficient too. The savings are more for commercial establishments where usage is greater.  Moreover, when aspects like cooling costs and manpower requirements for the change of bulbs are considered, the CFL comes out a clear winner.  The superior resource and cost efficiency of CFLs has by and large come to be widely accepted throughout the world.
The benefits to society that arise from the resource efficiency of CFLs are many: cost savings at the micro level, lower utilization of fossil fuels for electric lighting thereby reducing green house gas emissions, and where power is generated from hydroelectric plants, saving of water resources and reduced need for building new plants that impact forests and ecosystems.  Such positive externalities in containing environmental damage with the use of CFLs has even warranted governments to consider subsidies or utilization of carbon credit schemes to lower the initial investment of switching over from bulbs to CFLs.  Will the CFL then bring in a greener future?   One nineteenth century economist, William Stanley Jevons would have given an unexpected answer; no.
Jevons (1835-1882) is best known for his seminal work, The Theory of Political Economy (1871).  But his recognition as an economist had come with the publication of The Coal Question (1865) in which he made a remark that has now come to be known as the Jevons Paradox,
It is wholly a confusion of ideas to suppose that the economical use of fuel is equivalent to a diminished consumption.  The very contrary is the truth.
His explanation of the paradox was simple:  physical resource efficiency implies lower costs and prices, stimulating demand that more than compensates the initial savings in the use of a resource like coal.  It is important to understand that the paradox articulated by Jevons should not be taken as an anti-resource efficiency stance.  There is no doubt that resource efficiency unequivocally benefits society.  However, what the paradox makes us conscious of is the error to suppose that resource efficiency will lower overall consumption of that resource.  It is this latter point that is especially critical in the context of policy formulation for environmentally sustainable development.
The Jevons Paradox can be extended to CFLs.   If ultimately CFLs means cheaper lighting then a lot more of it will be demanded so that the need for power may well be more than was the case when expensive bulbs were the only option available.  The increased quantum of lighting possible with CFLs is no doubt beneficial to society but what cannot be inferred is that this is also a solution to environmental concerns; in fact, the dilemma of development versus the environment might only deepen.  The question that must then be asked is how are we to prevent the negative impact of resource efficiency from taking effect or even better, make sure that resource efficiency will generate a positive outcome?  One option is to ensure that resource efficiency is accompanied by conservation.  This, economists argue, requires a tax to be levied on the (efficient) resource rather than encouraging its extensive use through subsidies.  With CFLs, their high initial costs might in fact serve as a kind of tax.  But there is a concern that poor households may not be able to bear such high fixed cost and it is, therefore, necessary to subsidize CFLs.  If the subsidy on CFLs is universal (available to all consumers) then the Jevons Paradox will take effect; subsidizing efficient resources to encourage their extensive use in order to address environmental issues becomes self-defeating.  If, on the other hand, subsidies are targeted towards poor households only, there is a danger of re-sale of subsidized lamps in the grey market so that these households use even less lighting than before (à la Jevons Paradox).  Policy formulation ignoring Jevons Paradox is fraught with danger of arriving at such unanticipated and unfavourable outcomes.
Like CFLs, there are many similar instances where Jevons Paradox might result in unexpected outcomes, both positive and negative.  Positive examples including lower tax rates that beget higher net collections or new technologies which throw people out of work but eventually benefits labour because the additional demand for cheapened products.  The introduction of computers into offices in the 1990s is a case in point.  Instances where “resource efficiency” ends up generating unexpected adverse outcomes are even more common. Low-cal foods, lax diet control and increased food consumption that ends up in greater calorie intake; energy efficient air-conditioners prompts longer hours of use; fuel efficient vehicles to conserve petroleum that actually encourage more (wasteful) usage, microfinance to lower rural indebtedness but instead promotes greater profligacy, faster downloading speed that entices us to spend longer hours on the Net, organic foods that increase demand for dung and cattle grazing, spawning deforestation … the list where Jevons Paradox takes effect is endless.  But in the Foreword to the book, The Myth of Resource Efficiency, Joseph A. Taitner suggests an even more interesting approach to its study with the question, “where is the Jevons Paradox not in effect?”